By Naming Salahuddin, is Trump Mediating in Kashmir. Hamid Mir writes in The Indian Express
By Naming Salahuddin, is Trump Mediating in Kashmir. Hamid Mir writes in The Indian Express

The US terrorist declaration against Salahuddin is a
diplomatic win for India. But it will not create any problems for Pir
sahib. He isn’t interested in visiting the US or having assets there
It was like an Eid gift from US president Donald Trump to
Indian prime minister Narendra Modi. The Muslims of the sub-continent
were celebrating Eid-ul-Fitr on the night of June 26, when the US
administration, in a surprise announcement, declared Hizbul Mujahideen
chief Syed Salahuddin a Specially Designated Global Terrorist. Moments
later, Trump would meet Modi in Washington.
The Indian media highlighted this announcement as a “big
win for India.” The Pakistani media termed it “an unjustified act of the
Trump administration to please Modi.” The foreign ministries were
silent that night, but the media battle between the two, especially
between TV channels, was so jingoistic that it was much worse than the
diplomatic name-calling between officials.
Certainly, the media battle that night was a
manifestation of rising tensions between the two nuclear powers of South
Asia. Question is, why is Syed Salahuddin considered a “terrorist” by
many Indians and a “freedom fighter” by a majority of Pakistanis?
Perception is not always reality, but it is often more important than
reality. The tension between India and Pakistan is often exaggerated
because of this confusion between fact and opinion.
India needs to understand that the manner in which Syed
Salahuddin is perceived in Pakistan is different from how
Lashkar-e-Toiba founder Hafiz Saeed and Jaish-e-Mohammed chief Masood
Azhar are seen. Many Pakistanis don’t like Hafiz Saeed and Masood
Azhar’s “interference” in Jammu & Kashmir because they are not
Kashmiris. But their view about Syed Salahuddin is entirely different.
They think he is a well-educated Kashmiri from Srinagar who was forced
to pick up the gun after the rigged election in Jammu & Kashmir in
1987.
Known as Pir sahib within Hizbul Mujahideen (HM) circles –
as well as by former president and army chief Pervez Musharraf —
Salahuddin contested the 1987 elections from the Muslim United Front
(MUF). The National Conference alleged that then PDP chief, Mufti
Mohammed Sayeed, was quietly supporting Syed Salahuddin, who contested
under the name of Syed Yousaf Shah.
Salahuddin lost the election, then alleged it had been
rigged. He was arrested and detained for a long time; after his release
in 1989, he joined the HM, actually started by a former school teacher,
Master Ahsan Dar.
.After crossing the border into Afghanistan, Pir sahib
went to Khost area and joined the Al Badar training camp, which was once
established by Hizb-e-Islami Chief Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Initially HM
cadres were trained not in Pakistani-controlled Kashmir but in the
Al-Badar camp in Afghanistan, where militants learnt their trade on
weapons supplied by the US to fight the former Soviet Army.
Pir sahib became the HM’s Chief Commander in 1991.
One cannot deny the fact that Hekmatyar developed differences with the
Pakistani establishment when prime minister Benazir Bhutto started
supporting the Taliban movement in 1995. Both Hizb-e-Islami and HM had
close links with Jamiat-i-Islami (JI) in Pakistan, and JI was a close
ally of Opposition leader Nawaz Sharif those days.
Around the mid-1990s, Pir sahib announced he was
disassociating his outfit from the Jamat-i-Islami, that the HM was not
affiliated with any political party and that the people of Jammu &
Kashmir had launched an “armed resistance” movement.
This move created fissures in the Hizbul Mujahideen. Some
Pakistani militants who were close to JI as well as Hekmatyar
established the Al-Badar Mujahedeen under the command of Bakht Zameen
Khan, a native Pashtun from Dir.
Disconnecting HM from JI was only a political move by PIr
sahib. He only wanted to gain more support from all the political
parties within Pakistan. Soon he started meeting the leaders of all the
major parties. I remember my first meeting with him in the late 1990s.
While responding to one of my questions he said, “I am only following in
the footsteps of Bhagat Singh. If he was a freedom fighter, I am also a
freedom fighter. If he was a terrorist, then I am also a terrorist”.
Pir sahib attracted the attention of many liberal
politicians and intellectuals of Pakistan, by comparing his armed
struggle in J&K to the American war of Independence and the Irish
Republican Army’s war against its state. In fact he was in contact with
the Lashkar-e-Toiba and the Jaish-e-Mohammed within the framework of the
United Jihad Council, but he never spoke against the US like Hafiz
Saeed and Masood Azhar.
Then he developed differences with the Nawaz Sharif
government. When the erstwhile Indian prime minister Atal Behari
Vajpayee came to Lahore in a bus in 1999, one HM commander, Abdul Majeed
Dar, addressed a press conference in Islamabad and accused “Nawaz
Sharif of betraying Kashmiris.” The government of Nawaz Sharif was
toppled soon after by Musharraf in October 1999.
It is interesting to see how the wheel of history has
come full circle. In 2000, Pir sahib was contacted by the US
administration through an American messenger, Mansoor Ejaz. His first
meeting with Ejaz was set up by former ISI operator Khalid Khawaja.
,According to Pir sahib, Ejaz delivered him a message from the Clinton
administration.
In his second meeting, Ejaz’s mother joined in. She was
an old friend of Musharraf’s mother. Ejaz met many Indian officials in
Delhi and Srinagar before offering a peace deal to Pir sahib. Musharraf
also pressurized Pir sahib to announce a ceasefire with India.
Then in July 2000, ISI Chief General Mehmood Ahmad
managed to persuade Abdul Majeed Dar to agree to a ceasefire. The
Clinton administration remained silent, but Mansoor Ejaz was definitely
acting on behalf of a third party. It was exactly what Pakistan wanted.
Vajpayee’s BJP government started talks with the Hizbul
Mujahedeen, but there was a revolt within the ranks. Many Hizb
commanders sent messages to Pir sahib from across the LoC, that India
will use these talks to create differences within the “freedom
movement.” But the ceasefire hardly lasted, so Pir sahib withdrew from
it in the middle of the talks.
The September 11, 2001 incidents changed the
international scenario. The US lost interest in Kashmir. Abdul Majeed
Dar felt abandoned and was assassinated, soon after.
Now the question is, if the Hizbul Mujahideen was a
terrorist organization, why did the BJP government at the time try to
engage this outfit in talks?
More stories about Salahuddin can be found in a book by
former R&AW chief AS Dulat, ‘Kashmir-The Vajpayee Years,” in which
he talks about Pir sahib reaching out to former Jammu & Kashmir
chief minister Farooq Abdullah, through an IB officer K M Singh, for
help with admitting his son (Pir sahib’s son) in a medical college.
Farooq Abdullah agreed. He obliged Pir sahib. His son got
admission and Pir sahib called K M Singh and said, “I am grateful to
you”. When I enquired from Pir sahib about the claims made by A S Dulat
in his book, he dismissed it as disinformation of R&AW to tarnish
his image.
Many opponents of Pir sahib have used this book to prove
that he, Salahuddin, is a hypocrite. Still, the Trump administration’s
declaration about designating him as a ‘globally designated terrorist’
could be a blessing in disguise. Trump obliged both Modi and Syed
Salahuddin. That’s what Pir sahib wants these days. Nobody can doubt his
sincerity with the Kashmir cause. Trump gave an Eid gift to both Modi
and Pir sahib.
Perhaps the Hizbul Mujahedeen could try and exploit
anti-US feelings not only in J&K, but also in Pakistan. The first
death anniversary of HM commander Burhan Muzaffar Wani is on July
8th.Trump provided HM supporters with the excuse to not only burn Indian
flags but also American flags across the Kashmir valley. But this will
only put more pressure on Nawaz Sharif to make even louder statements in
support of the Kashmir struggle.
What could be the immediate impact of the US terrorist
declaration against Syed Salahuddin? He cannot travel to the US or
maintain any assets in the US.
Fact is, it’s a diplomatic win for India. Equally, it
will not create any problem for Pir sahib. He is not interested in
visiting the US or having any assets there.His mentor, Hekmatyar, an
associate of Osama bin Laden, was also declared a ‘global terrorist’ by
the US State Department in 2003 and faced UN sanctions as well. These
sanctions were lifted in 2016 after he met Afghanistan’s president
Ashraf Ghani.
The British ‘Guardian’ newspaper announced, about
Hekmatyar, that the “Butcher of Kabul (had been) pardoned in (an) Afghan
peace deal”. Hekmatyar returned to Kabul on May 4, 2017, with the full
support of the Trump administration.
Many in Pakistan view the Trump administration’s
declaration against Syed Salahuddin as a pressure tactic to force not
only Hizbul Mujahedin but also Pakistan to start a meaningful dialogue
with Delhi. Nobody can deny the fact that the ultimate solution of
Kashmir dispute lies in dialogue, but right now it doesn’t seem as if
the Indian and Pakistani media are interested. They would rather accuse
and abuse each other for a long time to come.
Meanwhile, the threat of radicalization in Jammu &
Kashmir has drastically increased, because ISIS is trying to cultivate
angry Kashmiri stone-pelters. Ultimately, all the stake-holders will
have to sit down and talk about a possible solution one day.
Certainly, Trump seems to have put his foot into
India-Pakistan “bilateral” relations. It may just be the beginning of
third-party mediation in the Kashmir dispute.
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